The late US vice-president Dick Cheney, who passed away at age 84, was considered one of the most influential incumbents of that position in US history. Whereas countless second-in-commands were limited to marginal or symbolic functions, Cheney exercised substantial power during the administration of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was commonly referred to as the "real president".
Bush disliked that description and claimed the relationship was more complicated. He noted that Cheney was deferential, always referring to him in official appearances as Mr President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush disputed even characterisations of their partnership as a collaboration because it suggested that they were equals. Despite such protestations, Cheney viewed the relaxed president malleable on a whole raft of governmental choices.
The Aftermath of 9/11
Leading of a group of neo-cons that included military head Donald Rumsfeld and Pentagon second-in-command Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. At the time of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been attending a session at a school in Florida. As Bush traveled to a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took command, directing the shooting down of any non-communicating planes heading toward the US Capitol.
Cheney said the assaults altered his perspective, leading him to become determined on retribution. In conjunction with other neo-cons, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he lobbied for a occupation of Afghanistan in an effort to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the armed intervention of Iraq, although there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Disputed Decisions
He showed no remorse about the armed intervention, in which an approximated 100,000 Iraqis perished, nor about the waterboarding of suspects rounded up after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was based on misleading intelligence echoed by Cheney, was the correct course of action. "It proved to be the proper decision to do then. I believed it back then and I hold that view today."
Yet even at the time, there were dissenting voices at a high level about the poor management of Iraq. One of the government's own delegates to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the role. "I saw, at the very least," he subsequently stated "true dereliction, carelessness, and irresponsibility: at worst, lying, ineptitude, and corruption."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely responsible for the Iraq military action. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for similar measures. He had written a memorandum setting out scenarios in which national priorities might be endangered (including "access to crucial commodities, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the US should be postured to act independently when cooperative measures prove impossible," specifically mentioning armed actions against Iraq.
Bush also had assumed the presidency somewhat determined on executing what his father had notably declined to do in 1991; remove Saddam. After he had been dismissed by the administration, the finance chief Paul O'Neill revealed how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of reducing America's engagement in the Middle East dispute and suggested defense operations against Iraq.
Bush carried a personal grudge against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a scheme to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore resented that one of the largest accommodations in Baghdad had a surface artwork with a image of his parent's face that each person had to tread upon.
Investigation Approaches
Yet it was Cheney who was part of the most vociferous behind invading Iraq, frequently referencing intelligence reports that were whether weak or entirely deceptive. He backed what the Bush government indirectly described as "enhanced interrogation", the application of simulated drowning and harsh treatment.
Answering a Senate analysis in 2014 that found that no valuable data had resulted from the harsh techniques, Cheney disregarded the findings as "riddled with crap". He informed Fox News: "We requested [the CIA] to take steps and establish procedures to catch the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and guarantee it would not recur. That is precisely what they did and they merit a lot of praise."
External Perception
Cheney enjoyed labels given to him by opponents such as Darth Vader and the sinister presence, and by the idea that he was a sinister influence manipulating Bush. In the journalist's 2013 publication about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is cited as commenting: "Do I represent the evil genius in the background that nobody ever sees leave his hole? It's a nice way to work, truthfully."
Commercial Ties
Dispute over his business interests followed him through his period as second-in-command. Although he had limited background in business but established relationships in security, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum corporations, in 1995 as chair and chief executive.
In 2000 he was selected as Bush's running mate for the executive branch. Debatably, during the Iraq war, Halliburton was granted US contracts worth substantial sums.
It greatly increased his wealth. His yearly earnings during his period at the company rose from his $258,394 during his time as defence secretary to over four million. When he departed in 2000 he had a package valued at more than $20m|twenty
